About 'debt to stockholders equity ratio'|Financial Ratios
Ｉｎｔｒｏｄｕｃｔｉｏｎ: Ｉｎ ｔｈｉｓ ｐａｐｅｒ Ｉ ｗｉｌｌ ａｔｔｅｍｐｔ ｔｏ ｄｒａｗ ａ ｃｏｎｎｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｂｅｔｗｅｅｎ ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌ ａｎｔｈｒｏｐｏｌｏｇｙ ａｎｄ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ., Ｃｅｎｔｒａｌ & Ｅａｓｔｅｒｎ Ｅｕｒｏｐｅ, ａｎｄ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ ｉｎ Ｌａｔｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ, ｉｎｃｌｕｄｉｎｇ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ. Ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｉｓ ｃｏｎｎｅｃｔｉｏｎ, ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｄｅｒ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ａｂｌｅ ｔｏ ｄｒａｗ ａ ｐｒｅｔｔｙ ｃｌｅａｒ ｃｏｎｎｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｂｅｔｗｅｅｎ ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｓｍ & ｉｔｓ ｓｏｍｅｔｉｍｅｓ ａｎｔａｇｏｎｉｚｉｎｇ ｎａｔｕｒｅ ｔｏｗａｒｄ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｄｅｍａｎｄｓ. Ｐａｒｔ Ｉ - Ｄｅｆｉｎｉｎｇ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ - Ａｒｔｉｃｌｅ: "Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ Ｐｅｏｐｌｅ" (Ｑｕｅｒｙ: "ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ." Ｉ ｓｅｅ ｔｈｅ ｅｓｔａｂｌｉｓｈｍｅｎｔ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｉｅｓ ａｓ ａ ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌ ａｃｈｉｅｖｅｍｅｎｔ. Ｉｔ ｒｅｑｕｉｒｅｓ ｃｉｖｉｃ ａｃｔｉｖｉｓｍ ａｎｄ ｃｏｎｓｔａｎｔ ａｔｔｅｎｔｉｏｎ ｆｏｒ ｉｔ ｔｏ ｗｏｒｋ, ｔｏ ｂｅ ｉｍｐｌｅｍｅｎｔｅｄ, & ｔｏ ｂｅ ｓｕｓｔａｉｎｅｄ.) Ｔｈｅｒｅ ｉｓ ｎｏ ｓｉｎｇｌｅ ｄｅｆｉｎｉｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｉｔ'ｓ ｉｍｐｌｅｍｅｎｔａｔｉｏｎ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｗａｙ ｗｅ ｌｉｖｅ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｗａｙ ｗｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎ ｉｓ ｄｅｆｉｎｅｄ ｉｎ ｄｉｆｆｅｒｅｎｔ ｗａｙｓ ａｌｌ ｏｖｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｗｏｒｌｄ. Ｔｈｅｒｅ ａｒｅ, ｈｏｗｅｖｅｒ, ａ ｆｅｗ ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｔｅｎｄ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓａｌ. Ｆｉｒｓｔ, ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｖｉｅｗｅｄ ａｓ ａ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅ, ｉｄｅａｌ, ｏｒ ｎｏｒｍ. Ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅ ｏｒ ｉｄｅａｌ ｉｓ ｅｓｓｅｎｔｉａｌｌｙ ｅｘｐｒｅｓｓｅｄ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｓｏｖｅｒｅｉｇｎｔｙ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ ｏｆ ａ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ, ａｎｄ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｒｉｇｈｔ ｔｏ ｓｅｌｆ ｇｏｖｅｒｎ. (Ｓｐｉｃｋｅｒ, 2008, ｐｇ. 1) Ｓｅｃｏｎｄ, ｄｅｆｉｎｉｎｇ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎｖｏｌｖｅｓ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｃｈａｎｉｓｍｓ ｎｅｅｄｅｄ ｔｏ ｅｎｓｕｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｉｄｅａｌ ｄｏｅｓｎ'ｔ ｒｕｎ ａｍｏｋ ｏｒ ｉｓ ｒｅｎｄｅｒｅｄ ｏｂｓｏｌｅｔｅ. Ａｎ ｅｘａｍｐｌｅ ｆｏｒ ｃｌａｒｉｔｙ-ｗｅ'ｌｌ ｇｏ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ.-ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ ｏｆ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｗａｔｃｈｉｎｇ Ｃ-Ｓｐａｎ ｔｏ ａｓｓｅｓｓ ａ ｃｏｎｇｒｅｓｓｍａｎ ｏｒ ｗｏｍａｎ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｄｉｓｔｒｉｃｔ. Ｔｈｅ ａｓｓｅｓｓｍｅｎｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｉｎｖｏｌｖｅ ａｓｋｉｎｇ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎｓ ｌｉｋｅ: Ｄｏｅｓ ｈｅ/ｓｈｅ ｒｅｐｒｅｓｅｎｔ ｍｙ ｖａｌｕｅｓ, ｂｅｌｉｅｆｓ, & ｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｓ? Ｉｓ ｈｅ/ｓｈｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｃｔｉｎｇ ｍｙ ｆｕｔｕｒｅ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｆｕｔｕｒｅ ｏｆ ｍｙ ｃｈｉｌｄｒｅｎ? Ｆｒｏｍ ｗｈｏｍ ｄｏｅｓ ｈｅ/ｓｈｅ ｒｅｃｅｉｖｅ ｆｕｎｄｉｎｇ ｔｏ ｂａｓｈ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｒｉｔｓ ｏｆ ｈｉｓ/ｈｅｒ ｏｐｐｏｎｅｎｔ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｓｃａｔｈｉｎｇ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ａｄ Ｉ ｊｕｓｔ ｗａｔｃｈｅｄ? Ｔｈｅ ｌａｓｔ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎ ｗａｓ ｍｅａｎｔ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｈｕｍｏｒｏｕｓ, ｂｕｔ ｉｔ'ｓ ｓｔｉｌｌ ａ ｖａｌｉｄ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ ｔｏｄａｙ. Ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｓｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｃｈａｎｉｓｍｓ ｔｈａｔ ｉｍｐｌｅｍｅｎｔ ａｎｄ ｐｅｒｐｅｔｕａｔｅ ａ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ａｒｅ ｓｏ ｉｍｐｏｒｔａｎｔ ｉｓ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｔｈｅｙ ａｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｈｅａｒｔ ａｎｄ ｓｏｕｌ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｉｄｅａｌ. Ｔｈｅ ｍｅｃｈａｎｉｓｍｓ ｗｏｒｋ ｍｏｓｔ ｏｆｔｅｎ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｅｓｔａｂｌｉｓｈｍｅｎｔ ｏｆ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｌ, ｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｍｏｒｅ ｅｇａｌｉｔａｒｉａｎ ｉｄｅａ, ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ. Ｊｏｓｈｕａ Ｃｏｈｅｎ, ｐｒｏｆｅｓｓｏｒ ｏｆ ｌａｗ, ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｓｃｉｅｎｃｅ, & ｐｈｉｌｏｓｏｐｈｙ ａｔ Ｓｔａｎｆｏｒｄ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ, ｈａｓ ｄｅｆｅｎｄｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｖｉｒｔｕｅ ｏｆ ｗｈａｔ ｈｅ ｃａｌｌｓ "ｄｅｌｉｂｅｒａｔｉｖｅ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ," ｗｉｔｈ ｉｔｓ ｅｍｐｈａｓｉｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ "ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ'ｓ ｃｈａｒａｃｔｅｒ ｏｆ ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｉｏｎ, ｃｏｏｐｅｒａｔｉｏｎ, ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ & ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｉｎｃｌｕｓｉｏｎ." (Ｓｐｉｃｋｅｒ, 2008, ｐｇ. 1) Ｌａｓｔｌｙ, ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ａｓ ａｎ ｉｎｓｔｉｔｕｔｉｏｎ, ｏｒ ａ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｏｆ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ. Ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ, ｗｅ ｌｏｏｋ ａｔ ｏｕｒ ｒｉｇｈｔ ｔｏ ｖｏｔｅ ｆｏｒ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｌｅａｄｅｒｓ ａｓ ｐｒｏｂａｂｌｙ ｔｈｅ ｆｏｒｅｍｏｓｔ ｉｎｄｉｃａｔｏｒ ｏｆ ａ ｗｏｒｋｉｎｇ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｔｈｅ ｌａｔｅ Ｎｏｒｂｅｒｔｏ Ｂｏｂｂｉｏ, ａｎ Ｉｔａｌｉａｎ ｐｈｉｌｏｓｏｐｈｅｒ ｏｆ ｌａｗ ａｎｄ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｓｃｉｅｎｃｅ, ｓｕｇｇｅｓｔｅｄ ｔｈａｔ, ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｖｅｒｙ ｌｅａｓｔ, ａ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｆｕｎｃｔｉｏｎｓ ｖｉａ ａ ｓｅｔ ｏｆ ｒｕｌｅｓ. Ｔｈｅ ｒｕｌｅｓ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｄｅｔｅｒｍｉｎｅ ｗｈｏ ｉｓ ａｌｌｏｗｅｄ ｔｏ ｖｏｔｅ; ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｅｓｔａｂｌｉｓｈ "ｆｒｅｅ & ｆｒｅｑｕｅｎｔ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ;" ａｎｄ ａ ｓｅｔ ｏｆ ｒｕｌｅｓ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｅｓｔａｂｌｉｓｈｅｄ ｔｏ ｄｅｔｅｒｍｉｎｅ "ｗｈｏ ｉｓ ａｕｔｈｏｒｉｚｅｄ ｔｏ ｒｕｌｅ." Ａ ｐｒｏｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎ Ｐａｕｌ Ｓｐｉｃｋｅｒ (ｏｆ Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ｇｏｒｄｏｎ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ, ＵＫ) ｓｅｅｍｓ ｔｏ ｓｅｅ ａｓ ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓａｌ ｉｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｉｅｓ ｉｓ ｏｎｅ ｇｒｏｕｎｄｅｄ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｉｄｅａ ｔｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｉｓ, ａｔ ｉｔ'ｓ ｃｏｒｅ, ａ ｃｒｉｔｉｃａｌ ｆｏｒｍ ｏｆ "ｐｒｏｔｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｆｏｒ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ." (Ｓｐｉｃｋｅｒ, 2008, ｐｇ. 1-2) Ｐａｒｔ ＩＩ - Ｉｎ Ｓｕｐｐｏｒｔ ｏｆ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ, ｏｒ Ｎｏｔ? - Ａｒｔｉｃｌｅ: "Ｌｅａｒｎｅｄ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ?" (Ｑｕｅｒｙ: "ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ") Ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ, ｔｈｅｒｅ'ｓ ａ ｐｒｅｔｔｙ ｕｂｉｑｕｉｔｏｕｓ ａｔｔｉｔｕｄｅ ｔｈａｔ ｓｕｇｇｅｓｔｓ ｔｈａｔ "ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ" & ｔｈｅ "ｆｒｅｅ ｍａｒｋｅｔ" ａｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｂｅｓｔ ｏｐｔｉｏｎｓ ｆｏｒ ａ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｙ. Ｂｕｔ ｗｈａｔ ａｂｏｕｔ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ ｔｈａｔ, ａｆｔｅｒ ｇｅｎｅｒａｔｉｏｎｓ ｏｆ ｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｓｔ ｒｅｇｉｍｅｓ (ｉ.ｅ. Ｃｅｎｔｒａｌ & Ｅａｓｔｅｒｎ Ｅｕｒｏｐｅ), ｈａｖｅ ｆｉｎａｌｌｙ ｉｍｐｌｅｍｅｎｔｅｄ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｒｅｓｐｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｉｅｓ? Ｉｓ ｉｔ ａｓ ｓｉｍｐｌｅ ａｓ ｏｐｅｎｉｎｇ ｕｐ ｔｈｅ "ｆｒｅｅ ｍａｒｋｅｔ?" Ｃｏｕｐｌｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ ｔｒａｎｓｆｏｒｍａｔｉｏｎ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｔｒａｎｓｆｏｒｍａｔｉｏｎ ｉｓ ｅｘｔｒｅｍｅｌｙ ｄｉｆｆｉｃｕｌｔ, ｇｉｖｅｎ ｔｈｅ ｈｅｆｔｙ ａｍｏｕｎｔ ｏｆ ｐｒｏｂｌｅｍｓ ｔｈａｔ ａｒｉｓｅ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｎｅｅｄ ｔｏ ｂｅ ａｄｄｒｅｓｓｅｄ "ｓｉｍｕｌｔａｎｅｏｕｓｌｙ," ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｊｕｓｔ "ａｃｃｅｐｔｉｎｇ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ" ｄｏｅｓｎ'ｔ ｒｅｍｏｔｅｌｙ ｃｕｔ ｉｔ. (Ｆｕｃｈｓ & Ｒｏｌｌｅｒ, 2006, ｐｇ. 2) Ｓｏｍｅ ｓｏｃｉｏｌｏｇｉｓｔｓ ｈａｖｅ ａｒｇｕｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｒｅ ｉｓ ｍｏｒｅ ｔｏ ｉｔ ｔｈａｎ ｊｕｓｔ ｇｅｔｔｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｏｕｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｗａｙ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｍａｒｋｅｔ. Ｉｎ ｒｅｇａｒｄｓ ｔｏ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｈａｖｅ ｍａｄｅ ｔｈｅ ｓｗｉｔｃｈ ｆｒｏｍ ａｕｔｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｔｏ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ, ｉｎ ｏｒｄｅｒ ｔｏ ｅｎｓｕｒｅ ｔｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｂｅｃｏｍｅｓ ｔｈｅ ｏｎｌｙ ｏｐｔｉｏｎ ｆｏｒ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｉｎｇ, ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｒｅｇｉｍｅｓ ｈａｖｅ ｔｏ "ｔａｋｅ ｒｏｏｔ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ａｔｔｉｔｕｄｅｓ ａｎｄ ｂｅｈａｖｉｏｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ａｃｔｏｒｓ." Ｔｈｉｓ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ ｉｓ ｒｅｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｔｏ ａｓ "ｃｏｎｓｏｌｉｄａｔｉｏｎ." Ｆｏｒ ｍａｎｙ ｅｘｐｅｒｔｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｅｌｄ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｓａｔｉｓｆｉｅｄ, ｃｏｎｓｏｌｉｄａｔｉｏｎ ｃａｎ ｏｎｌｙ ｂｅ ｒｅａｃｈｅｄ ｏｎｃｅ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｉｔｉｖｅ ｏｒ "ｆｏｕｎｄｉｎｇ" ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ ａｒｅ ｈｅｌｄ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｅｖｅｎｔ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ａｕｔｈｏｒ Ｌａｒｒｙ Ｄｉａｍｏｎｄ ｒｅｇａｒｄｓ ａｓ ｔｈｅ ｂａｒｅ ｍｉｎｉｍｕｍ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｃｅｐｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ａｌｏｎｇ ｗｉｔｈ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｉｔｉｖｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ, ａ ｓｅｐａｒａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｐｏｗｅｒｓ (ｌｉｋｅ ｗｅ ｈａｖｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ.), ｒｕｌｅ ｏｆ ｌａｗ, & ｈｕｍａｎ ｒｉｇｈｔｓ ｍｕｓｔ ａｌｓｏ ｂｅ ｉｎｃｌｕｄｅｄ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｐａｃｋａｇｅ. Ｔｈａｔ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｓａｉｄ, "ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｓｏｌｉｄａｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｐｅｒｓｉｓｔｅｎｃｅ ｏｆ ａ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｒｅｇｉｍｅ ｕｌｔｉｍａｔｅｌｙ ｄｅｐｅｎｄｓ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ａｃｃｅｐｔａｎｃｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ." (Ｆｕｃｈｓ & Ｒｏｌｌｅｒ, 2006, ｐｇ. 3) Ｗｈａｔ ｂｅｔｔｅｒ ｗａｙ ｔｏ ｇａｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｓｕｐｐｏｒｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｍａｊｏｒｉｔｙ ｏｆ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｔｈａｎ ｂｙ ｈｏｎｏｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｅｎｓｕｒｅ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｉｎｖｏｌｖｅｍｅｎｔ ｉｎ ａ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ? Ｐａｒｔ ＩＩＩ - Ｉｍｐｅｒｆｅｃｔ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ Ｎｏｔ ｅｖｅｒｙ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｐｅｒｆｅｃｔ. Ｔｈａｔ ｉｓ ｎｏｔ ｔｏ ｓａｙ ｔｈａｔ ａ ｐａｒｔｉｃｕｌａｒ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ＩＳ ｐｅｒｆｅｃｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｓｉｍｐｌｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｉｔ ｉｓ ａ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｅｉｔｈｅｒ. Ｔｈｉｓ ａｒｇｕｍｅｎｔ ｍｅａｎｓ ｔｏ ｅｘｐｒｅｓｓ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｒｅ ｅｘｉｓｔｓ ａ ｖｅｒｓｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｔｈａｔ ｉｓ ｉｎ ｍａｎｙ ｗａｙｓ ｄｅｆｅｃｔｅｄ, ｈｅｎｃｅ ｔｈｅ ｃａｔｅｇｏｒｙ 'ｄｅｆｅｃｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｉｅｓ.' Ａｎｏｔｈｅｒ ｃｏｎｃｅｐｔ ｏｆ Ｌａｒｒｙ Ｄｉａｍｏｎｄ'ｓ, ｔｈｉｓ ｖｅｒｓｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｆｌａｗｅｄ ｆｏｒ ｔｗｏ ｒｅａｓｏｎｓ. Ｎｕｍｂｅｒ ｏｎｅ, ｒｅｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｔｏ ａｓ ａ 'ｎｏｎｌｉｂｅｒａｌ' ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ, ｆｕｎｃｔｉｏｎｓ ｗｉｔｈ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｉｔｉｖｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ, ｂｕｔ ｓｕｆｆｅｒｓ ｆｒｏｍ ａｓｙｍｍｅｔｒｉｅｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｐａｒａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｐｏｗｅｒｓ, ｒｕｌｅ ｏｆ ｌａｗ, ａｎｄ ｍｏｓｔ ｎｏｔａｂｌｙ, ｔｈｅ "ｇｕａｒａｎｔｅｅ" ｏｆ ｈｕｍａｎ ｒｉｇｈｔｓ. Ｎｕｍｂｅｒ ｔｗｏ, ｒｅｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｔｏ ａｓ 'ｐｓｅｕｄｏｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ,' "ｗｈｅｒｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ ａｎｄ ａ ｍｕｌｔｉｐａｒｔｙ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｆａｃｔｕａｌｌｙ" ｅｘｉｓｔｓ, "ｂｕｔ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｃｉｓｉｖｅ ｃｈａｒａｃｔｅｒｉｓｔｉｃ ｏｆ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｉｔｉｏｎ ｉｓ ｍｉｓｓｉｎｇ." Ｔｈｅ ｐｕｒｐｏｓｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｉｓ ｋｉｎｄ ｏｆ ｆｅｉｇｎｅｄ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｔｏ ｐｒｏｔｅｃｔ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｕｓ ｑｕｏ ａｎｄ ｐｒｅｖｅｎｔ ｔｈｅ ｒｕｌｉｎｇ ｐａｒｔｙ ｏｒ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｏｆ ｐａｒｔｉｅｓ ｆｒｏｍ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｏｕｓｔｅｄ. (Ｆｕｃｈｓ & Ｒｏｌｌｅｒ, 2006, ｐｇ. 5) Ｒｅａｄ Ｔｈｅｒｅｓａ Ａｍａｔｏ'ｓ "Ｇｒａｎｄ Ｉｌｌｕｓｉｏｎ: Ｔｈｅ Ｍｙｔｈ ｏｆ Ｖｏｔｅｒ Ｃｈｏｉｃｅ ｉｎ Ａ Ｔｗｏ-Ｐａｒｔｙ Ｔｙｒａｎｎｙ," ｉｆ ｙｏｕ ｄｏｕｂｔ ｆｏｒ ｏｎｅ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｔｈａｔ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ & ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ ｉｓ ｓｕｂｊｅｃｔ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ａｆｏｒｅｍｅｎｔｉｏｎｅｄ ｄｅｆｅｃｔ. Ｐａｒｔ ＩＶ - Ｗｈｙ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ Ｄｅｓｉｒａｂｌｅ - Ａｒｔｉｃｌｅ: "Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ａ. Ｄａｈｌ: Ｄｅｆｅｎｄｅｒ ｏｆ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ" (Ｑｕｅｒｙ: "Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ." Ｉ ｃｈｏｓｅ ｔｏ ｑｕｅｒｙ "ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ" ｔｏ ｔｕｒｎ ｕｐ ｍｏｒｅ ｓｐｅｃｉｆｉｃ ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｉｏｎ/ｒｅｓｅａｒｃｈ ｏｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｃｏｎｓｉｄｅｒｉｎｇ ｔｈａｔ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｔｈｅ ｏｌｄｅｓｔ ｏｆ ｉｔｓ ｋｉｎｄ, Ｉ ａｓｓｅｒｔｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｓｃｈｏｌａｒｌｙ ｐｅｒｓｐｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｏｎ ｉｔｓ ｐｒｏｓ & ｃｏｎｓ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｂｅｎｅｆｉｃｉａｌ ｉｎ ｃｏｎｎｅｃｔｉｎｇ ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌ ａｎｔｈｒｏｐｏｌｏｇｙ ｔｏ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ & ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ) Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ａ. Ｄａｈｌ Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ａ. Ｄａｈｌ, Ｓｔｅｒｌｉｎｇ Ｐｒｏｆｅｓｓｏｒ Ｅｍｅｒｉｔｕｓ ｏｆ Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ Ｓｃｉｅｎｃｅ ａｔ Ｙａｌｅ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ, ａｒｇｕｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｂｙ ｃｏｎｓｅｎｔ, "ｉｓ ｓｏｍｅｔｈｉｎｇ ｗｅ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｗａｎｔ ａｎｄ ａｓｐｉｒｅ ｔｏ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｉｔ ｐｒｏｄｕｃｅｓ ｄｅｓｉｒａｂｌｅ ｃｏｎｓｅｑｕｅｎｃｅｓ." Ｏｎｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｖｅｒａｌ ｂｅｎｅｆｉｔｓ ｔｈａｔ ｈｅ ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｅｓ ｉｓ ｖｅｒｙ ｍｕｃｈ ｒｅｌａｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｅｌｄ ｏｆ ａｎｔｈｒｏｐｏｌｏｇｙ, ｓｐｅｃｉｆｉｃａｌｌｙ ｉｎ ｒｅｇａｒｄｓ ｔｏ ａ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｙ'ｓ ｍｏｒａｌ ａｕｔｏｎｏｍｙ ａｎｄ/ｏｒ ｅｔｈｎｏｃｅｎｔｒｉｓｍ. Ａｓ Ｓｔｅｉｎ Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ ｐｏｉｎｔｓ ｏｕｔ ｉｎ "Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ａ. Ｄａｈｌ: Ｄｅｆｅｎｄｅｒ ｏｆ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ," Ｄａｈｌ ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅｓ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｏｆｆｅｒｓ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｉｎ ａ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｙ "ｔｈｅ ｏｐｐｏｒｔｕｎｉｔｙ ｔｏ ｅｘｅｒｃｉｓｅ ｓｅｌｆ-ｄｅｔｅｒｍｉｎａｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｔｏ ｌｉｖｅ ｕｎｄｅｒ ｌａｗｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｏｗｎ ｃｈｏｏｓｉｎｇ." (Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ, 2008, ｐｇ. 2) Ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ, ｃｉｖｉｃ ａｃｔｉｖｉｓｍ ｈａｓ ｂｒｏｕｇｈｔ ａｂｏｕｔ ｔｈｅ ａｂｏｌｉｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｓｌａｖｅｒｙ, ｗｏｍｅｎ'ｓ ｓｕｆｆｒａｇｅ, ｄｅｓｅｇｒｅｇａｔｉｏｎ & ｃｉｖｉｌ ｒｉｇｈｔｓ, & ｔｏｄａｙ, ｍａｎｙ ｓｔａｔｅｓ ａｒｅ ｏｐｅｎｉｎｇ ｕｐ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｄｏｏｒｓ ｆｏｒ ｆｕｌｌ, ｌｅｇａｌ, ｍａｒｒｉａｇｅ ｒｉｇｈｔｓ ｆｏｒ ｇａｙ ｃｏｕｐｌｅｓ/ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ, ａｆｔｅｒ ｄｅｃａｄｅｓ ｕｐｏｎ ｄｅｃａｄｅｓ ｏｆ ｉｎｔｏｌｅｒａｎｃｅ. Ｔｈｅｓｅ ａｃｈｉｅｖｅｍｅｎｔｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｌｍ ｏｆ ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ ａｒｅ ｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓ ｏｆ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｍｏｒａｌ ａｕｔｏｎｏｍｙ, Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｕｌｔｕｒｅ, ａｎｄ ａｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｄｉｒｅｃｔ ｒｅｓｕｌｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｉｄｅａｌ. Ｐａｒｔ Ｖ - Ｄｏｎ'ｔ Ｂｌａｍｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ, Ｂｌａｍｅ Ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｓｍ Ａｌｔｈｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ ｉｄｅａ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｓｕｇｇｅｓｔｓ ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ ｔｏ ｂｅ ａ ｇｉｖｅｎ, Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ Ａ. Ｄａｈｌ ｎｏｔｅｓ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｌ ｗｏｒｌｄ ｌｉｖｅｓ ｂｙ ｏｔｈｅｒ ｒｕｌｅｓ. Ｓｔｅｉｎ Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ ｓｕｍｓ ｕｐ Ｄａｈｌ'ｓ ｖｉｅｗｓ ｅｘｐｒｅｓｓｅｄ ｉｎ "Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ Ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ" ａｓ ｆｏｌｌｏｗｓ: "Ｗｈｅｒｅ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｍｏｓｔ ａｄｖａｎｃｅｄ, ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ ａｎｄ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｃｏｎｄｉｔｉｏｎｓ ａｒｅ ｎｏｔｏｒｉｏｕｓｌｙ ｕｎｅｑｕａｌ. Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｓｅｅｍｓ ｔｏ ｌｉｖｅ ｍｏｓｔ ｃｏｍｆｏｒｔａｂｌｙ ｗｉｔｈ ｍａｒｋｅｔ ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｓｍ ａｎｄ ｍａｒｋｅｔ ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｓｍ ｔｈｒｉｖｅｓ ｏｎ ｉｎｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ." (Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ, 2008, ｐｇ. 3) Ｄａｈｌ ｅｘｐｏｓｅｓ ｈｉｓ ｋｅｅｎ ｋｎｏｗｌｅｄｇｅ ｏｆ ｓｔａｔｅ ｐｏｌｉｃｙ ｂｙ ｐｏｉｎｔｉｎｇ ｏｕｔ ｔｈａｔ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ ｉｎ ｄｅｓｐｅｒａｔｅ ｎｅｅｄ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｉｎｓｔｉｔｕｔｉｏｎｓ ａｌｍｏｓｔ ａｌｗａｙｓ ｆａｌｌ ｖｉｃｔｉｍ ｔｏ ｌｅａｄｅｒｓ ａｎｄ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｉａｎｓ ｔｈａｔ ｕｔｉｌｉｚｅ ｒｈｅｔｏｒｉｃａｌ ｃｏｐ-ｏｕｔｓ ｔｏ ｉｎｓｉｓｔ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｒｅ ａｒｅ ｏｔｈｅｒ ｔｈｉｎｇｓ ｍｏｒｅ ｕｒｇｅｎｔ ａｎｄ ｐｒｅｓｓｉｎｇ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｔａｂｌｅ. Ｉ ｉｎｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｍｙ ｒｅａｄｉｎｇｓ ｔｈａｔ Ｄａｈｌ ｓｅｅｓ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｕｓ ｑｕｏ ａｓ ｎｏｔｈｉｎｇ ｍｏｒｅ ｔｈａｎ ｔｈｅ ｗｏｒｋ ｏｆ ａｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ａｒｉｓｔｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｔｈｉｓ ａｒｉｓｔｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｄｅｓｃｒｉｂｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｔｏｐ 1 ｐｅｒｃｅｎｔ ｔｈａｔ ｉｓ ｃｏｎｔｉｎｕｏｕｓｌｙ ｇｒａｓｐｉｎｇ ｍｏｒｅ ａｎｄ ｍｏｒｅ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ ｗｅａｌｔｈ, ｃｏｎｃｅｎｔｒａｔｉｎｇ ｃｏｆｆｅｒｓ, ａｎｄ ｄｒｉｖｉｎｇ ｉｎｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｒｏｏｆ. (Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ, 2008, ｐｇ. 2-3) Ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｃｅｎｔｒａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｗｅａｌｔｈ ａｎｄ ｐｏｗｅｒ ｈａｓ ｔｒａｎｓｃｅｎｄｅｄ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃｈａｍｂｅｒｓ ｏｆ ｃｏｎｇｒｅｓｓ. Ｓｔｅｉｎ Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ ｐａｒａｐｈｒａｓｅｓ Ｄａｈｌ'ｓ ａｓｓｅｓｓｍｅｎｔ: "Ｔｈｅ ｍｅｃｈａｎｉｓｍ ｉｓ ｍｅｇａ-ｅｘｐｅｎｓｉｖｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ ｗｈｅｒｅｂｙ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅｓ, ｐａｒｔｉｅｓ ａｎｄ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎｓ ｂｅｃｏｍｅ ｄｅｐｅｎｄｅｎｔ ｏｎ ｌａｒｇｅ ｄｏｎａｔｉｏｎｓ ｆｒｏｍ ｒｉｃｈ ｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌｓ ｏｒ ｉｎｓｔｉｔｕｔｉｏｎｓ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｄｉｓｑｕａｌｉｆｉｅｓ ａｎｙｏｎｅ ｆｒｏｍ ｅｎｔｅｒｉｎｇ ｉｎｔｏ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ ｗｈｏ ｉｓ ｕｎａｂｌｅ ｔｏ ｏｂｔａｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｂｌｅｓｓｉｎｇ ｏｆ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ ｐｏｗｅｒ. Ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｉａｎｓ ａｎｓｗｅｒ ｍｏｒｅ ｔｏ ｍｏｎｅｙ ａｎｄ ｌｅｓｓ ｔｏ ｖｏｔｅｒｓ. Ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｐｏｌｉｃｙ ｄｉｓｔｏｒｔｓ ｉｎ ｆａｖｏｕｒ ｏｆ ｍｉｎｏｒｉｔｙ ｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｓ. Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｓ ｉｎｃｒｅａｓｉｎｇｌｙ ｃｏｒｒｕｐｔ ａｎｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｏｎｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ｔｏ ａｎｏｔｈｅｒ ｔａｉｎｔｅｄ ｂｙ ｃｒｉｓｅｓ ｏｆ ｆｕｎｄｉｎｇ." (Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ, 2008, ｐｇ. 3) Ｐａｒｔ ＶＩ - Ａ Ｌａｃｋ ｏｆ Ｆａｉｔｈ ｉｎ Ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ - Ａｒｔｉｃｌｅ: "Ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ Ｆｒａｕｄ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ Ｍｙｔｈｓ ｏｆ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ" (Ｑｕｅｒｙ: "Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ") Ｔｈｅ 2000 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ Ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ ｉｓ, ｔｏ ｔｈｉｓ ｄａｙ, ｒｉｄｄｌｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｖｅｒｓｙ. Ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｖｅｒｓｙ ｗａｓ ｂｏｒｎ ｏｕｔ ｏｆ ｂａｌｌｏｔ ｐｒｏｂｌｅｍｓ ｉｎ Ｆｌｏｒｉｄａ, ａ ｓｔａｔｅ ｗｈｏｓｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｂｒｏｔｈｅｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅｎ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ, Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ. "Ｔｈｅｙ [Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｓ] ｆｅｌｔ, ｗｉｔｈ ｓｏｍｅ ｊｕｓｔｉｆｉｃａｔｉｏｎ, ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ ａｕｔｈｏｒｉｔｉｅｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｓｔａｃｋｅｄ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｔｈｅｍ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ'ｓ ｂｒｏｔｈｅｒ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｃｒｅｔａｒｙ ｏｆ ｓｔａｔｅ, ｒｅｓｐｏｎｓｉｂｌｅ ｆｏｒ ｏｖｅｒｓｅｅｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｇｕａｒａｎｔｅｅｉｎｇ ｉｔｓ ｆａｉｒｎｅｓｓ, ｗａｓ ｃｏ-ｃｈａｉｒ ｏｆ ｈｉｓ ｓｔａｔｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ," ｓａｙｓ ａｕｔｈｏｒ Ａｎｄｒｅｗ Ｇｕｍｂｅｌ. (Ｇｕｍｂｅｌ, 2008, ｐｇ. 2) Ｓｏ ｗｈａｔ ｈａｐｐｅｎｅｄ? Ｐｒｏｂａｂｌｙ ｔｈｅ ｍｏｓｔ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｖｅｒｓｉａｌ ｅｘａｍｐｌｅ ｏｆ ｏｓｔｅｎｓｉｂｌｙ ｄｅｌｉｂｅｒａｔｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｆｒａｕｄ ｉｎ Ｆｌｏｒｉｄａ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｐｕｒｇｉｎｇ ｏｆ, ａｒｇｕａｂｌｙ, ｔｅｎｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｏｕｓａｎｄｓ ｏｆ ｒｅｇｉｓｔｅｒｅｄ ｖｏｔｅｒｓ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｅｄ ｂａｌｌｏｔｓ ｕｎｄｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｔｅｎｓｅ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｙ ｗｅｒｅ ｃｏｎｖｉｃｔｅｄ ｆｅｌｏｎｓ. Ｔｈｅ ｓｏ-ｃａｌｌｅｄ ｆｅｌｏｎｓ ｊｕｓｔ ｓｏ ｈａｐｐｅｎｅｄ ｔｏ ｂｅ Ａｆｒｉｃａｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ, ｔｏｏ, ａ ｍｉｎｏｒｉｔｙ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｐｏｐｕｌａｔｉｏｎ ｒｅｐｒｅｓｅｎｔｉｎｇ ａ ｒａｔｉｏ ｏｆ 9-1 ｉｎ ｆａｖｏｒ ｏｆ Ａｌ Ｇｏｒｅ, ｏｒ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｓ ｉｎ ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ. Ｆｕｒｔｈｅｒｍｏｒｅ, Ｆｌｏｒｉｄａ ｗａｓ ｓｏ ｂｅｈｉｎｄ ｉｎ ｒｅｓｐｅｃｔ ｔｏ ｐｒｏｇｒｅｓｓｉｖｅ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｍｅｔｈｏｄｓ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ ｃｏｕｌｄｎ'ｔ ａｌｌｏｗ ｐｒｏｖｉｓｉｏｎａｌ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ, ｗｈｉｃｈ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｈａｖｅ ｆａｃｉｌｉｔａｔｅｄ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｆｉｒｓｔ, ａｎｄ ｖｅｒｉｆｙｉｎｇ ｅｌｉｇｉｂｉｌｉｔｙ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ. (Ｇｕｍｂｅｌ, 2008, ｐｇ. 2-3) Ｆｌｏｒｉｄａ ｂｅｃａｍｅ ｊｕｓｔ ｏｎｅ ｍｏｒｅ ｒｅａｓｏｎ ｆｏｒ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｔｏ ｎｏｔ ｈａｖｅ ｆａｉｔｈ ｉｎ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ. Ｔｈｅ ｃｙｎｉｃａｌ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ ｏｆ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｆｏｒ ａ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｔｈａｔ ｉｓ ｓｔｉｌｌ ｓｕｂｊｅｃｔ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｖｏｔｅ ｏｆ ａｎ Ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ Ｃｏｌｌｅｇｅ ｓｅｅｍｓ ｈｏｎｅｓｔｌｙ ｆｒｕｉｔｌｅｓｓ, ａｎｄ ａ ｗａｓｔｅ ｏｆ ｔｉｍｅ. Ｔｈｅ ｃｈｏｉｃｅｓ ｏｆｆｅｒ ｍｏｒｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｓａｍｅ, ａｎｄ ｆｌｏｕｔ ｔｈｅ ｔｈｏｕｇｈｔ ｏｆ ａｌｔｅｒｎａｔｉｖｅｓ. Ｔｈｅｙ ａｒｅ ｃａｒｅｆｕｌ ｓｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｆｅｗ, ｐｒｅｓｅｎｔｅｄ ａｓ ｃｈｏｉｃｅｓ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｍａｎｙ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｄｉｓｉｌｌｕｓｉｏｎｍｅｎｔ ｓｏ ｍａｎｙ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓ ｆｅｅｌ ｉｎ ｒｅｓｐｅｃｔ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｅｘｐｌａｉｎｓ, ａｔ ｌｅａｓｔ ｐａｒｔｌｙ, ｗｈｙ ｏｖｅｒ ｈａｌｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｐｏｐｕｌａｔｉｏｎ ｄｏｅｓｎ'ｔ ｓｈｏｗ ｕｐ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｂｏｏｔｈ. Ｉｔ ｈａｓ ｃｒｅａｔｅｄ ａ ｓｕｂｃｕｌｔｕｒｅ ｏｆ ｄｉｓａｆｆｅｃｔｅｄ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｔｈａｔ ｒｅｇｉｓｔｅｒ ｎｏｔｈｉｎｇ ｍｏｒｅ ｔｈａｎ ｖａｇｕｅ ａｐａｔｈｙ ｔｏｗａｒｄｓ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ａｂｓｅｎｃｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｖｏｔｅ. Ｐａｒｔ ＶＩＩ - Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ - Ａｒｔｉｃｌｅ: "Ｌａｔｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ'ｓ Ｌｅｆｔ Ｔｕｒｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ Ｎｅｗ Ｓｔｒａｔｅｇｉｃ Ｌａｎｄｓｃａｐｅ" (Ｑｕｅｒｙ: "Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ." Ｉ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｌｅａｒｎｅｄ ｏｆ Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｗｒｉｔｉｎｇｓ/ｌｅｃｔｕｒｅｓ ｏｆ Ｎｏａｍ Ｃｈｏｍｓｋｙ. Ｎｏａｍ Ｃｈｏｍｓｋｙ ｏｆｔｅｎ ｒｅｆｅｒｓ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ ａｓ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ ａｓ ｏｎｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｓｔｒｏｎｇｅｓｔ ｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ａｃｈｉｅｖｅｍｅｎｔ ｉｎ ｒｅｃｅｎｔ ｈｉｓｔｏｒｙ. Ｈｉｓ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｗａｓ ｂｏｔｈ ｈｉｓｔｏｒｉｃａｌｌｙ ａｎｄ ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｌｙ ｓｉｇｎｉｆｉｃａｎｔ. Ｃｏｍｉｎｇ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ ｓａｍｅ ｂａｃｋｇｒｏｕｎｄ ａｓ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｄｉｇｅｎｏｕｓ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ, Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ ｉｓ ｔｒｕｌｙ ｔｈｅ "ｐｅｏｐｌｅ'ｓ ｃｈｏｉｃｅ.") Ｔｏ ｌｏｏｋ ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｃｕｒｒｅｎｔ ｃｏｎｄｉｔｉｏｎｓ, ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌｌｙ, ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃａｌｌｙ, ａｎｄ ｏｆ ｃｏｕｒｓｅ, ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｌｙ, ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｌａｔｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ, ｗｅ ｍｕｓｔ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｂｅｇｉｎ ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｔｉｍｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｇｌｏｂａｌ ｄｅｐｒｅｓｓｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ 20ｔｈ ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ. Ｉｎ 1937, ｄｕｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｇｌｏｂａｌ ｄｅｐｒｅｓｓｉｏｎ, ｔｈｅ ｉｄｅａ ｏｆ ｓｔａｔｅ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｌ ｏｖｅｒ ａ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｗａｓ ｍｏｒｅ ｅａｓｉｌｙ ａｃｃｅｐｔｅｄ ａｍｏｎｇｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ａｎｄ ｌｅａｄｅｒｓ ｏｆ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ. Ｎａｔｕｒａｌｌｙ, ｔｈｉｓ ａｃｃｅｐｔａｎｃｅ ｉｎｃｌｕｄｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ "ｅｘｔｒａｃｔｉｖｅ ｓｅｃｔｏｒ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 2) Ａｃｃｏｒｄｉｎｇ ｔｏ ａｕｔｈｏｒ Ｊａｍｅｓ Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, "Ａｆｔｅｒ ａ ｓｌｏｗ ｂｕｔ ｓｔｅａｄｙ ｄｒｉｆｔ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｒｉｇｈｔ, ａ ｒｅｖｏｌｕｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ 1952, ｌｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌｉｓｔ Ｒｅｖｏｌｕｔｉｏｎａｒｙ Ｍｏｖｅｍｅｎｔ (ＭＮＲ), ｏｖｅｒｔｈｒｅｗ ａ ｒｉｇｈｔｉｓｔ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｒｅｇｉｍｅ ａｎｄ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌｉｓｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｌａｒｇｅｓｔ ｔｉｎ ｍｉｎｅｓ, ｉｎｉｔｉａｔｅｄ ｓｗｅｅｐｉｎｇ ｌａｎｄ ｒｅｆｏｒｍ, ａｎｄ ｐｒｏｖｉｄｅｄ ｓｕｆｆｒａｇｅ ｔｏ ｗｏｍｅｎ ａｎｄ Ｉｎｄｉａｎｓ ｐｒｅｖｉｏｕｓｌｙ ｅｘｃｌｕｄｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ." Ｔｈｉｓ "ｒｅｖｏｌｕｔｉｏｎａｒｙ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ" ｒｅａｃｈｅｄ ｉｔｓ ｅｎｄ ｏｎｌｙ 12 ｙｅａｒｓ ｌａｔｅｒ, "ａｆｔｅｒ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ｆｅｌｌ ｖｉｃｔｉｍ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｆａｌｌｉｎｇ ｄｏｍｉｎｏｅｓ ｏｆ ｓｕｃｃｅｓｓｉｖｅ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔｓ ａｎｄ ｆｌｉｍｓｙ ｃｉｖｉｌｉａｎ ｒｅｇｉｍｅｓ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 2) Ｓｕｂｓｅｑｕｅｎｔｌｙ, ｔｈｅ ｄｅｂｔ ｃｒｉｓｉｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ 1980ｓ ｔｈａｔ ｓｔｒａｎｇｌｅｄ Ｔｈｉｒｄ Ｗｏｒｌｄ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｉｅｓ ｉｎｔｏ ａｃｃｅｐｔｉｎｇ ＩＭＦ ｒｅｓｔｒｕｃｔｕｒｉｎｇ ｐｏｌｉｃｉｅｓ, ａｓ ｗｅｌｌ ａｓ ｔｈｅ ｆａｌｌ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ＵＳＳＲ, ｐｒｏｖｉｄｅｄ ｎｏ ａｌｔｅｒｎａｔｉｖｅ ｔｏ ａｎ ｅｘｔｒｅｍｅｌｙ ｃｏｎｓｅｒｖａｔｉｖｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ａｇｅｎｄａ. "Ａｌｓｏ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｉｓ ｅｐｏｃｈ, ｔｈｅ ｔｉｎ ｉｎｄｕｓｔｒｙ ｉｎ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ ｃｏｌｌａｐｓｅｄ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｏｆ ａ ｇｌｏｂａｌ ｏｖｅｒｓｕｐｐｌｙ ｆｅｄ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐａｌｌｙ ｂｙ Ｃｈｉｎａ ａｎｄ Ｂｒａｚｉｌ. Ｗｉｔｈｉｎ ｓｕｃｈ ａ ｃｏｎｔｅｘｔ ｔｈｅ ｎａｒｃｏｔｒａｆｆｉｃｋｉｎｇ ｉｎｄｕｓｔｒｙ ｂｅｇａｎ ｔｏ ｐｒｏｓｐｅｒ. Ｉｔ ｗａｓ ｆｕｅｌｅｄ ｐｒｉｎｃｉｐａｌｌｙ ｂｙ ｎｏｒｔｈｅｒｎ ｃｏｎｓｕｍｐｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｓｐｕｒｒｅｄ ｂｙ ａ ｓｅｎｓｅ ｏｆ ｅｎｔｒｅｐｒｅｎｅｕｒｉａｌｉｓｍ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｔｏ ｎｏｎｅ ｉｎ Ｃｏｌｏｍｂｉａ, ｔｈｅ Ｌａｔｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｅｐｉｃｅｎｔｒｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｉｌｌｉｃｉｔ ｄｒｕｇｓ ｔｒａｄｅ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 2) Ｆｏｒｔｕｎａｔｅｌｙ, ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ｔｈｅ ｖａｓｔ ａｍｏｕｎｔ ｏｆ ｊｏｂｓ ｌｏｓｔ ａｓ ａ ｒｅｓｕｌｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｌｌａｐｓｅ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ'ｓ ｔｉｎ ｉｎｄｕｓｔｒｙ, Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ ｗａｓ ａｂｌｅ ｔｏ ｓａｌｖａｇｅ ｍａｎｙ ｏｆ ｔｈｏｓｅ ｊｏｂｓ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｓｉｇｎｉｆｉｃａｎｔ ｊｏｂ ｃｒｅａｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｃａ ｓｅｃｔｏｒ "ａｓ ａ ｐｒｏｖｉｄｅｒ ｏｆ ｃｏｃａ ｌｅａｆ ａｎｄ ｐａｓｔｅ ｔｏ ｕｐｓｔｒｅａｍ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓｏｒｓ ａｎｄ ｄｉｓｔｒｉｂｕｔｏｒｓ ｉｎ Ｃｏｌｏｍｂｉａ." Ａｍｏｎｇ ｔｈｅｓｅ ｍｏｒｅ ｆｏｒｔｕｎａｔｅ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｗａｓ Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ, "ａｎ ｏｒｇａｎｉｓｅｒ ａｎｄ ｌｅａｄｅｒ ｏｆ ｃｏｃａｌｅｒｏｓ (ｃｏｃａ ｇｒｏｗｅｒｓ) ｗｈｏｓｅ ｆａｍｉｌｙ ｈａｄ ｏｒｉｇｉｎａｌｌｙ ｗｏｒｋｅｄ ｉｎ ｔｉｎ ｍｉｎｅｓ ｂｅｆｏｒｅ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｃｌｏｓｕｒｅ." Ｉｎ 1993, Ｇｏｎｚａｌｏ Ｓａｎｃｈｅｚ ｄｅ Ｌｏｚａｄａ ｗａｓ ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ. Ｈｉｓ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｗａｓ ｈｅｌｐｅｄ ｂｙ ｗｈａｔ ｈａｓ ｂｅｅｎ ｒｅｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｔｏ ａｓ 'ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｓｈｏｃｋ ｔｈｅｒａｐｙ.' Ｓａｎｃｈｅｚ ｗａｓ ａ ｆｏｒｍｅｒ ｐｌａｎｎｉｎｇ ｍｉｎｉｓｔｅｒ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｅｘｔｒｅｍｅｌｙ ｔｒｏｕｂｌｅｄ ｃｏｎｄｉｔｉｏｎｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ 1980ｓ, ｏｖｅｒｓｅｅｉｎｇ ａ ｖａｓｔ ｅｘｐａｎｓｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｐｒｉｖａｔｉｚａｔｉｏｎ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ 1990ｓ. "Ｔｈｉｓ ａｌｌｏｗｅｄ ｆｏｒｅｉｇｎｅｒｓ ｔｏ ｏｗｎ ｈａｌｆ ｏｆ ｗｈａｔ ｗｅｒｅ ｆｏｒｍｅｒｌｙ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｏｒ ｓｔａｔｅ ｃｏｒｐｏｒａｔｉｏｎｓ ｉｎ ｓｔｒａｔｅｇｉｃ ｓｅｃｔｏｒｓ ｓｕｃｈ ａｓ ｐｅｔｒｏｌｅｕｍ, ａｉｒｌｉｎｅｓ, ｔｅｌｅｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｃａｔｉｏｎｓ, ｒａｉｌｗａｙｓ, ｅｌｅｃｔｒｉｃ ｃｏｍｐａｎｉｅｓ, ａｎｄ ｓｏ ｏｎ. Ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｒｔ 'Ｇｏｎｉ'ｓ [Ｇｏｎｚａｌｏ'ｓ] ｒｅｓｔｒｕｃｔｕｒｉｎｇ ｗａｓ ｎｏｉｓｉｌｙ ｒｅｓｉｓｔｅｄ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｓ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 2) Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ, Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ Ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ Ｖｉｃｔｏｒ Ｈｕｇｏ Ｃａｒｄｅｎａｓ Ｃｏｎｄｅ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｉｎｄｉｇｅｎｏｕｓ ｐｅｒｓｏｎ ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｏｐ ｏｆｆｉｃｅ (Ｃｏｎｄｅ ｗａｓ Ｓａｎｃｈｅｚ'ｓ ＶＰ), "ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｐｏｌｉｃｉｅｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ 1990ｓ ｆａｉｌｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｒａｎｓｌａｔｅ ｉｎｔｏ ｍａｔｅｒｉａｌ ｂｅｎｅｆｉｔｓ ｔｒｉｃｋｌｉｎｇ ｄｏｗｎ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｉｍｐｏｖｅｒｉｓｈｅｄ ｍａｓｓｅｓ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3) Ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌｉｓｍ ｒｅａｃｈｅｄ ｉｔｓ ｂｒｅａｋｉｎｇ ｐｏｉｎｔ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｄｉｇｅｎｏｕｓ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ ｎｅａｒ ｔｈｅ ｅｎｄ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ 20ｔｈ ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ ｗｈｅｎ ｐｌａｎｓ ｏｆ ｐｒｉｖａｔｉｚｉｎｇ ｗａｔｅｒ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｃｈａｂａｍｂａ Ｖａｌｌｅｙ ｗｅｒｅ ｃａｒｒｉｅｄ ｏｕｔ. Ｍｏｒｅｏｖｅｒ, ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｖａｔｉｚａｔｉｏｎ ｗａｓ ｃｏｕｐｌｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｓｕｂｓｉｄｉｚａｔｉｏｎ, ｉｍｍｅｄｉａｔｅｌｙ ｒｅｓｕｌｔｉｎｇ ｉｎ ａ ｍａｊｏｒ ｉｎｃｒｅａｓｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｃｅ ｏｆ ｗａｔｅｒ, ａｎｄ ａｎ ｅｖｅｎ ｍｏｒｅ ｆｉｅｒｃｅｌｙ ｉｎｆｕｒｉａｔｅｄ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｎｃｌｕｄｅｄ "ａ ｍａｓｓｉｖｅ ｄｅｍｏｎｓｔｒａｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｏｎｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｏｒ ｗａｓ ｋｉｌｌｅｄ ａｎｄ ｍａｎｙ ｏｔｈｅｒｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｉｎｊｕｒｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ. Ｔｈｉｓ 'Ｗａｔｅｒ Ｗａｒ', ａｓ ｉｔ ｗａｓ ｋｎｏｗｎ, ｌｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃａｎｃｅｌｌａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｗａｔｅｒ ｐｒｉｖａｔｉｓａｔｉｏｎ ａｇｒｅｅｍｅｎｔ. Ｉｔ ａｌｓｏ ｅｍｐｏｗｅｒｅｄ ａｎｔｉ-ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｍｏｖｅｍｅｎｔｓ ｔｈａｔ ｐｒｏｃｅｅｄｅｄ ｔｏ ｇｒｏｗ ｉｎ ｎｕｍｂｅｒ ａｎｄ ｉｎｔｅｎｓｉｔｙ." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3) Ｏｎｃｅ ｍｏｒｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｔｒｉｍｅｎｔ ｏｆ ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｐｏｌｉｃｉｅｓ, ｉｎ 2003, ｍａｓｓ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｈｅｌｄ ｉｎ ｒｅｓｐｏｎｓｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｓｉｄｅｒａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ａ ｎａｔｕｒａｌ ｇａｓ ｐｉｐｅｌｉｎｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ｏｆ Ｃｈｉｌｅ. "Ｐｒｏｖｅｎ ｒｅｓｅｒｖｅｓ ｏｆ ｎａｔｕｒａｌ ｇａｓ ｈａｄ ｒｉｓｅｎ 700% ｂｅｔｗｅｅｎ 1996 ａｎｄ 2002, ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｗａｓ ｅａｇｅｒ ｔｏ ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｓｅ ｏｎ ｔｈｉｓ." Ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｅｒｓ, ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｏｔｈｅｒ ｈａｎｄ, ｓａｗ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｐｏｓｅｄ ｐｉｐｅｌｉｎｅ ａｓ ａ ｃｏｍｍｏｄｉｔｙ ｓｅｒｖｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｓ ｏｆ ｔｒａｎｓｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ ｃｏｒｐｏｒａｔｉｏｎｓ, ｗｉｔｈ ｌｉｔｔｌｅ ｉｆ ａｎｙ ｂｅｎｅｆｉｔ ｆａｌｌｉｎｇ ｉｎ ａｒｍｓ ｌｅｎｇｔｈ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｍａｊｏｒｉｔｙ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｐｕｌａｔｉｏｎ. (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3) Ｏｔｈｅｒ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｈｅｌｄ ｉｎ ｒｅｓｐｏｎｓｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｐｌａｎｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａｎ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｔｏ ｓａｔｉｓｆｙ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｍａｎｄｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ａｄｍｉｎｉｓｔｒａｔｉｏｎ, ｓｐｅｃｉｆｉｃａｌｌｙ, ｔｈｅ ｅｒａｄｉｃａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｖａｓｔ ａｃｒｅｓ ｏｆ ｌａｎｄ ｃｕｌｔｉｖａｔｉｎｇ ｃｏｃａ ｃｒｏｐｓ; ａ ｓｏｕｒｃｅ ｏｆ ｉｎｃｏｍｅ ｆｏｒ ｔｅｎｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｏｕｓａｎｄｓ ｏｆ ｉｎｄｉｇｅｎｏｕｓ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａｎ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ. "Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｓａｎｃｈｅｚ ｄｅ Ｌｏｚａｄａ, ｎｏｗ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｙｅａｒ ｏｆ ｈｉｓ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｔｅｒｍ, ｆａｉｌｅｄ ｔｏ ｈｅｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｏｗｉｎｇ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｏｕｔｃｒｉｅｓ ｒｅｇａｒｄｉｎｇ ｂｏｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｐｉｐｅｌｉｎｅ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｃａ ｅｒａｄｉｃａｔｉｏｎ ｐｒｏｊｅｃｔ. Ｔｈｅ ｒｅｓｕｌｔ ｗａｓ ａ ｍａｊｏｒ ｃｏｎｆｒｏｎｔａｔｉｏｎ ｋｎｏｗｎ ａｓ Ｂｌａｃｋ Ｏｃｔｏｂｅｒ, ｉｎ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｏｒｄｅｒｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｔｏ ｕｓｅ ｆｏｒｃｅ ｔｏ ｗｉｐｅ ｏｕｔ ｒｏａｄ ｂｌｏｃｋｓ ｉｎ Ｌａ Ｐａｚ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｓｈａｎｔｙ ｔｏｗｎ ｏｆ Ｅｌ Ａｌｔｏ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｃｏｎｓｔｒｕｃｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ'ｓ ｕｎｐｏｐｕｌａｒ ｐｏｌｉｃｉｅｓ." Ａｔ ｌｅａｓｔ 100 ｐｅｏｐｌｅ ｗｅｒｅ ｋｉｌｌｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ, ａｎｄ ｍａｎｙ ｏｔｈｅｒｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｉｎｊｕｒｅｄ; ａ ｄｉｒｅｃｔ ｒｅｓｕｌｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｌｉｂｅｒａｔｅ ｃｏｎｆｒｏｎｔａｔｉｏｎ. (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3) Ｃｏｎｓｅｑｕｅｎｔｌｙ, Ｇｏｎｚａｌｏ Ｓａｎｃｈｅｚ ｒｅｓｉｇｎｅｄ, ｓｅｅｋｉｎｇ ｅｘｉｌｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ. Ｈｉｓ ｔｈｅｎ Ｖｉｃｅ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ, Ｃａｒｌｏｓ Ｍｅｓａ Ｇｉｓｂｅｒｔ, ｒｅｓｉｄｅｄ ａｓ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｕｎｔｉｌ ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｃｏｌｌａｐｓｅｄ ｔｗｏ ｙｅａｒｓ ｌａｔｅｒ. (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3) Ｉｎ 2004, "80% ｏｆ ｖｏｔｅｒｓ ｉｎ ａ ｄｅｃｉｓｉｖｅ ｒｅｆｅｒｅｎｄｕｍ ｆａｖｏｕｒｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌｉｓａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｅｎｅｒｇｙ ｒｅｓｏｕｒｃｅｓ." Ｉｒｒｅｓｐｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｏｆ ｗｈａｔ ｗａｓ ｃｌｅａｒｌｙ ａ ｈｉｇｈｌｙ ｆａｖｏｒｅｄ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｍａｎｄａｔｅ, ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｏｆ Ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ ｃｈｏｓｅ ｎｏｔ ｔｏ ｈｅｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｍａｎｄｓ ｏｆ ｉｔｓ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ. "Ｔｈｅ ｎｅｏｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｈｏｕｓｅ ｏｆ ｃａｒｄｓ ｆｅｌｌ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ 2004 - 05, ａｍｉｄ ｐａｒａｌｙｓｉｎｇ ｎａｔｉｏｎｗｉｄｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｓ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ'ｓ ｆａｉｌｕｒｅ ｔｏ ｈｅｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｒｅｆｅｒｅｎｄｕｍ'ｓ ｃａｌｌ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌｉｓａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｎａｔｕｒａｌ ｒｅｓｏｕｒｃｅｓ. Ｔｈｅ ｔａｃｔｉｃ ｏｆ ｃｈｏｉｃｅ ｒｅｍａｉｎｅｄ ｒｏａｄｂｌｏｃｋｓ. Ｂｙ ｅａｒｌｙ Ｊｕｎｅ 2004 ｒｏａｄｂｌｏｃｋｓ ｃｈｏｋｅｄ ｔｒａｖｅｌ ａｔ 55 ｓｔｒａｔｅｇｉｃ ｐｏｉｎｔｓ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈｏｕｔ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ'ｓ ｈｉｇｈｗａｙ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ. Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｍｅｓａ ｗａｓ ｆｏｒｃｅｄ ｔｏ ｓｔｅｐ ａｓｉｄｅ, ｐａｖｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｗａｙ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ Ｅｖｏ Ｍｏｒａｌｅｓ. Ｉｎａｕｇｕｒａｔｅｄ ｉｎ Ｊａｎｕａｒｙ 2006, ｈｅ ｒｅｃｅｉｖｅｄ 54% ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ ｖｏｔｅ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ 2005." (Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, 2007, ｐｇ. 3-4) Ｐａｒｔ ＶＩＩＩ - Ｔｅａｃｈｉｎｇ Ｈｉｓｔｏｒｙ, Ｓｏｃｉｏ-Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ, & Ａｎｔｈｒｏｐｏｌｏｇｙ Ｉ ｇｒａｄｕａｔｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ Ｃａｌｉｆｏｒｎｉａ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ ｏｆ Ｐｅｎｎｓｙｌｖａｎｉａ ｉｎ 2006, ａｃｃｒｅｄｉｔｅｄ ａ Ｂ.Ａ. ｉｎ Ｈｉｓｔｏｒｙ. Ｉ'ｖｅ ｒｅｔｕｒｎｅｄ ｔｏ ｅａｒｎ ｍｙ ｔｅａｃｈｅｒ'ｓ ｃｅｒｔｉｆｉｃａｔｅ, ａｎｄ ａｍ ａｐｐｌｙｉｎｇ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ Ｍａｓｔｅｒｓ Ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ, ｔｏ ｂｅｇｉｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｆａｌｌ ｏｆ 2010. Ｗｈａｔ ｍｏｔｉｖａｔｅｄ ｍｅ ｔｏ ｒｅｔｕｒｎ ｔｏ ｆｕｒｔｈｅｒ ｔｏ ｍｙ ｅｄｕｃａｔｉｏｎ ｗａｓ ｍｙ ｄｉｓｓａｔｉｓｆａｃｔｉｏｎ ｗｉｔｈ ｗｈｅｒｅ Ｉ ｗａｓ ｈｅａｄｉｎｇ ｃａｒｅｅｒ-ｗｉｓｅ, ａｎｄ ｗｈｅｒｅ Ｉ ｓａｗ ｏｕｒ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ｈｅａｄｉｎｇ ｓｏｃｉａｌｌｙ. Ｉ ｐａｙ ａｔｔｅｎｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｆｒｉｎｇｅｓ, ｔｈｅ ｏｕｔｃａｓｔｓ, ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｓｔｅｒｓ, ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｌ ｐａｔｒｉｏｔｓ ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ. Ｉ ｄｏｎ'ｔ ｔｒｕｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｍａｊｏｒ-ｍｅｄｉａ ｃａｂｌｅ ｏｕｔｌｅｔｓ, ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅｒｅ ａｒｅ ｆａｒ ｔｏｏ ｍａｎｙ ｃｏｎｆｌｉｃｔｓ ｏｆ ｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔ ｄｕｅ ｔｏ ｓｔｏｃｋｈｏｌｄｅｒｓ & ｔｈｅ ｓｔｏｃｋ ｍａｒｋｅｔ. Ｉｔ ｉｓ ｔｈｅ ｓｔｏｃｋｈｏｌｄｅｒｓ ｔｈａｔ ｃａｂｌｅ ｎｅｗｓ ｓｅｒｖｅｓ, ｎｏｔ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ & Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｔｈｅ ｂｅｈｅｍｏｔｈｓ ｐｒｏｖｅ ｔｈｉｓ ｅｖｅｒｙ ｔｉｍｅ ｔｈｅ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ Ｄｅｂａｔｅｓ ａｒｅ ｏｎ ａｎｄ ｖｏｉｃｅｓ ｆｒｏｍ ｏｕｔｓｉｄｅ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ ａｒｅｎａ ａｒｅ ｅｘｃｌｕｄｅｄ (ｉ.ｅ., Ｒｏｓｓ Ｐｅｒｏｔ ｉｎ 1996, Ｒａｌｐｈ Ｎａｄｅｒ ｉｎ 2000, 2004 & 2008). Ｉ ｄｏｎ'ｔ ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅ ｔｈｅｒｅ ｉｓ ａ ｌｉｂｅｒａｌ ｂｉａｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｄｉａ; Ｉ ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅ ｔｈｅｒｅ ｉｓ ａ ｂｉａｓ ｔｏｗａｒｄ ｔｒｉｖｉａｌ ｉｎｆｏｒｍａｔｉｏｎ. Ｉ ｔｈｉｎｋ ｗｒｉｔｅｒｓ Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ ＭｃＣｈｅｓｎｅｙ & Ｊｏｈｎ Ｎｉｃｈｏｌｓ ａｒｅ ｃｏｌｌａｂｏｒａｔｉｖｅ ｇｅｎｉｕｓｅｓ ｉｎ ｓｔａｔｉｎｇ ｉｎ "Ｏｕｒ Ｍｅｄｉａ, Ｎｏｔ Ｔｈｅｉｒｓ," ｔｈａｔ ｅｖｅｒｙ ｔｉｍｅ ｊｏｕｒｎａｌｉｓｔｉｃ ｅｆｆｏｒｔｓ ａｒｅ ｃｒｉｔｉｃａｌ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ ｏｒ ｏｆ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ, ｔｈｅｙ'ｒｅ ａｕｔｏｍａｔｉｃａｌｌｙ ｃｏｎｓｉｄｅｒｅｄ "ｌｉｂｅｒａｌ." Ｉ ｔｒｕｌｙ ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅ ｔｈａｔ ｉｆ ｗｅ ａｓ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｃａｎ ｕｎｄｅｒｍｉｎｅ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｃｅｓｓａｎｔ ｍｅｄｉａ-ｓｌｏｂｂｅｒｉｎｇ ｏｖｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｈｏｒｓｅ ｒａｃｅ ｅｖｅｒｙ 4 ｙｅａｒｓ, ｉｇｎｏｒｅ ｔｈｅ ａｔｔａｃｋ-ａｄｓ, ｐｕｔ ａｓｉｄｅ ｏｕｒ ｈｅｒｅｄｉｔａｒｙ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｈａｂｉｔｓ, ｑｕｉｔ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｔｏ ｊｕｓｔ ｋｅｅｐ ｔｈｅ "ｏｔｈｅｒ" ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｏｕｔ, ａｎｄ ｔｒｕｓｔ ｏｕｒｓｅｌｖｅｓ ｅｎｏｕｇｈ ｔｏ ｖｏｔｅ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｒｉｇｈｔ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｉｎｓｔｅａｄ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ "ｌｉｋｅｌｙ" ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ, ｔｈｅｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ ｗｉｌｌ ｂｅ ｔｈａｔ ｍｕｃｈ ｃｌｏｓｅｒ ｔｏ ｆｉｘｉｎｇ ｉｔｓ ｄｅｆｅｃｔｓ, ａｎｄ ｆｉｎａｌｌｙ ｐｅｒｖａｄｉｎｇ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ ｅｑｕｉｔｙ. Ｉｎ ｈｅｒ ｂｏｏｋ, "Ｇｒａｎｄ Ｉｌｌｕｓｉｏｎ: Ｔｈｅ Ｍｙｔｈ ｏｆ Ｖｏｔｅｒ Ｃｈｏｉｃｅ ｉｎ Ａ Ｔｗｏ-Ｐａｒｔｙ Ｔｙｒａｎｎｙ," Ｔｈｅｒｅｓａ Ａｍａｔｏ ｍａｄｅ ｃｌｅａｒ ｔｈａｔ ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ａｌｌ ｔｈｅ ａｃｈｉｅｖｅｍｅｎｔｓ ｉｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｓｏｃｉｅｔｙ ｔｈｒｏｕｇｈ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｃｈａｎｉｓｍｓ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ, ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ａｌｌ ｔｈｅ ｓｔｅｐｓ ｆｏｒｗａｒｄ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｌｍ ｏｆ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ, ｔｈｅ ｐｅｒｓｏｎｓ ｔｈａｔ ｓｔｉｌｌ ｈａｖｅ ｙｅｔ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｐｒｏｔｅｃｔｅｄ ｂｙ ｌａｗ ｏｒ ｔｒｕｓｔｅｄ ｖｉａ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｎｏｒｍｓ ａｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｍｉｎｏｒｉｔｉｅｓ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｉｎｔｅｎｔｉｏｎａｌ, ａｎｄ ｗｉｌｌ ｎｏｔ ｃｈａｎｇｅ ｕｎｔｉｌ ｅｎｏｕｇｈ ｃｉｔｉｚｅｎｓ ｓｔａｎｄ ｂｅｈｉｎｄ ｔｈｅｓｅ ｍａｒｇｉｎａｌｉｚｅｄ ｖｏｉｃｅｓ ｔｏ ｅｎｓｕｒｅ ｆｕｌｌ ａｃｃｅｓｓ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ ａｒｅｎａ. Ｒａｌｐｈ Ｎａｄｅｒ ｈａｓ ａｒｇｕｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｓｏｎ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ ａｒｅ ａｌｗａｙｓ ｓｏ ｃｌｏｓｅ ｉｓ ｎｏｔ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｏｆ ａ ｄｏｗｎ-ｔｈｅ-ｍｉｄｄｌｅ ｓｐｌｉｔ ｉｎ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｔｈｏｕｇｈｔ, ｂｕｔ ｒａｔｈｅｒ ａ ｎｅａｒ 50/50 ｓｐｌｉｔ ｉｎ ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌ ｄｉｆｆｅｒｅｎｃｅｓ. Ｉ ｈｏｎｅｓｔｌｙ ｗｏｒｋｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ ａｌｏｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｂｏｒｄｅｒｓ ｏｆ Ｏｈｉｏ & Ｗｅｓｔ Ｖｉｒｇｉｎｉａ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ 2008 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｗｈｏ ｅｘｐｌａｉｎｅｄ ｔｏ ｍｅ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｙ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｂｅ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｆｏｒ Ｂａｒａｃｋ Ｏｂａｍａ, ｎｏｔ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｏｆ ａ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎ, ｂｕｔ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｏｆ ｈｉｍ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｂｌａｃｋ. Ｉ'ｖｅ ｍｅｔ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ ｗｈｏ ｆｅｅｌ Ｓａｒａｈ Ｐａｌｉｎ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｂｅｃａｕｓｅ ｔｈｅｙ ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ ｎｅｅｄｓ ａ ｗｏｍａｎ ｉｎ ｏｆｆｉｃｅ. Ｔｈｅｓｅ ｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓ ｏｆｆｅｒ ｅｎｏｕｇｈ ｉｎｓｉｇｈｔ ｉｎｔｏ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｕｌｔｕｒｅ ｔｏｄａｙ ｔｏ ｓｕｇｇｅｓｔ ｔｈａｔ ｒａｃｉｓｍ ａｎｄ ｐｒｅｊｕｄｉｃｅ ｈａｖｅｎ'ｔ ｄｉｓａｐｐｅａｒｅｄ, ｉｔ'ｓ ｊｕｓｔ ｇｏｎｅ ｕｎｄｅｒｇｒｏｕｎｄ, ａｎｄ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓ ａｒｅ ｓｔｉｌｌ ｕｎｉｎｆｏｒｍｅｄ ａｂｏｕｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ, ａｎｄ ｊｕｓｔ ｗｈａｔ ｋｉｎｄ ｏｆ ｃｒｉｔｅｒｉａ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｍｅｔ ｉｎ ｏｒｄｅｒ ｔｏ ｗｉｎ ｖｏｔｅｓ ｔｏ ｂｅ ａ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｌｅａｄｅｒ. Ｔｈｅｓｅ ａｒｅ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｐｒｏｂｌｅｍｓ ｔｈａｔ ｃｌｅａｒｌｙ ｎｅｅｄ ａｄｄｒｅｓｓｅｄ ｉｆ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ ｉｓ ｔｏ ｍｏｖｅ ｆｏｒｗａｒｄ ｉｎ ａ ｐｏｓｉｔｉｖｅ ｌｉｇｈｔ. Ｔｈｅｙ ｈａｖｅ ｉｎｓｐｉｒｅｄ ａｎ ｕｒｇｅｎｃｙ ｉｎ ｍｙ ｄｅｔｅｒｍｉｎａｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ ｄｏ ｓｏｍｅｔｈｉｎｇ ａｂｏｕｔ ｉｔ, ａｎｄ ａ ｄｅｓｉｒｅ ｔｏ ｉｎｓｐｉｒｅ ｉｎｄｅｐｅｎｄｅｎｔ ｔｈｏｕｇｈｔ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｍｉｎｄｓ ｏｆ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｙｏｕｔｈ. Ｉ'ｍ ｎｏｔ ｂｅｃｏｍｉｎｇ ａ ｔｅａｃｈｅｒ ｔｏ "ｉｎｄｏｃｔｒｉｎａｔｅ;" Ｉ'ｍ ｂｅｃｏｍｉｎｇ ａ ｔｅａｃｈｅｒ ｔｏ ｅｎｓｕｒｅ ｔｈａｔ ｓｔｕｄｅｎｔｓ ａｒｅ ａｗａｒｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｓｓｉｂｉｌｉｔｉｅｓ & ｏｐｐｏｒｔｕｎｉｔｉｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｉｓ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ, ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｒｉｇｈｔ ｔｗｅａｋｓ & ｒｅｆｏｒｍｓ, ｃａｎ & ｗｉｌｌ ｏｆｆｅｒ ｔｈｅｍ. Ｗｏｒｋｓ Ｃｉｔｅｄ Ｆｕｃｈｓ, Ｄ, & Ｒｏｌｌｅｒ, Ｅ. (2006). Ｌｅａｒｎｅｄ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ? ｓｕｐｐｏｒｔ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｉｎ ｃｅｎｔｒａｌ ａｎｄ ｅａｓｔｅｒｎ ｅｕｒｏｐｅ. Ｉｎｔｅｒｎａｔｌ Ｊｏｕｒｎａｌ ｏｆ Ｓｏｃｉｏｌｏｇｙ, 36(3), Ｒｅｔｒｉｅｖｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｔｔｐ://ｗｅｂ.ｅｂｓｃｏｈｏｓｔ.ｃｏｍ.ｎａｖｉｇａｔｏｒ-ｃｕｐ.ｐａｓｓｈｅ.ｅｄｕ/ｅｈｏｓｔ/ｖｉｅｗａｒｔｉｃｌｅ?ｄａｔａ=ｄＧＪｙＭＰＰｐ44ｒｐ2%2ｆｄＶ0%2ｂｎｊｉｓｆｋ5Ｉｅ42ｂＶＬｔｑｅｗＵＬＷｋ63ｎｎ5Ｋｘ95ｕＸｘｊＬ6ｐｒＵｑｘｐｂＢＩｒ6ａｅＳａ%2ｂｗｓＵ64ｑ7Ｕ4ｚｓＯｋｊＰＤＸ7Ｉｖｆ2ｆＫＢ7ｅＴｎｆＬｕｊｓＶＣ2ｑｒＢＲｒｑ6ｗＰｕｒＸ7Ｈ%2ｂ72%2ｂｗ%2ｂ4ｔｉ7ｉ%2ｂｆｅｐＩｚｆ3ｂｔＺｚＪｚｆｈｒｕｏｓＥｙｕｒｒＶＯｓＪｚｋｈ%2ｆＤｊ34ｙ73ＰＯＥ6ｕｒｊｋＰＩＡ&ｈｉｄ=105 Ｇｕｍｂｅｌ, Ａ. (2008). Ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｆｒａｕｄ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｍｙｔｈｓ ｏｆ ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｓｏｃｉａｌ Ｒｅｓｅａｒｃｈ, 75(4), Ｒｅｔｒｉｅｖｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｔｔｐ://ｗｅｂ.ｅｂｓｃｏｈｏｓｔ.ｃｏｍ.ｎａｖｉｇａｔｏｒ-ｃｕｐ.ｐａｓｓｈｅ.ｅｄｕ/ｅｈｏｓｔ/ｖｉｅｗａｒｔｉｃｌｅ?ｄａｔａ=ｄＧＪｙＭＰＰｐ44ｒｐ2%2ｆｄＶ0%2ｂｎｊｉｓｆｋ5Ｉｅ42ｂＶＬｔｑｅｗＵＬＷｋ63ｎｎ5Ｋｘ95ｕＸｘｊＬ6ｐｒＵｑｘｐｂＢＩｒ6ａｅＳａ%2ｂｗｓＵ64ｑ7Ｕ4ｚｓＯｋｊＰＤＸ7Ｉｖｆ2ｆＫＢ7ｅＴｎｆＬｕｊｓＶＣ2ｑｒＢＲｒｑ6ｗＰｕｒＸ7Ｈ%2ｂ72%2ｂｗ%2ｂ4ｔｉ7ｉ%2ｂｆｅｐＩｚｆ3ｂｔＺｚＪｚｆｈｒｕｐｔＦＧｘｑｒＺＯｒｐｚｋｈ%2ｆＤｊ34ｙ73ＰＯＥ6ｕｒｊｋＰＩＡ&ｈｉｄ=105 Ｒｉｎｇｅｎ, Ｓ. (2008). Ｒｏｂｅｒｔ ａ. ｄａｈｌ: ｄｅｆｅｎｄｅｒ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｓｏｃｉｅｔｙ, 45(3), Ｒｅｔｒｉｅｖｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｔｔｐ://ｗｅｂ.ｅｂｓｃｏｈｏｓｔ.ｃｏｍ.ｎａｖｉｇａｔｏｒ-ｃｕｐ.ｐａｓｓｈｅ.ｅｄｕ/ｅｈｏｓｔ/ｖｉｅｗａｒｔｉｃｌｅ?ｄａｔａ=ｄＧＪｙＭＰＰｐ44ｒｐ2%2ｆｄＶ0%2ｂｎｊｉｓｆｋ5Ｉｅ42ｂＶＬｔｑｅｗＵＬＷｋ63ｎｎ5Ｋｘ95ｕＸｘｊＬ6ｐｒＵｑｘｐｂＢＩｒ6ａｅＳａ%2ｂｗｓＵ64ｑ7Ｕ4ｚｓＯｋｊＰＤＸ7Ｉｖｆ2ｆＫＢ7ｅＴｎｆＬｕｊｓＶＣ2ｑｒＢＲｒｑ6ｗＰｕｒＸ7Ｈ%2ｂ72%2ｂｗ%2ｂ4ｔｉ7ｉ%2ｂｆｅｐＩｚｆ3ｂｔＺｚＪｚｆｈｒｕｐｒ1Ｇｘｑｑ9ＫｓＺｚｋｈ%2ｆＤｊ34ｙ73ＰＯＥ6ｕｒｊｋＰＩＡ&ｈｉｄ=105 Ｒｏｃｈｌｉｎ, Ｊ. (2007). Ｌａｔｉｎ ａｍｅｒｉｃａ'ｓ ｌｅｆｔ ｔｕｒｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｎｅｗ ｓｔｒａｔｅｇｉｃ ｌａｎｄｓｃａｐｅ: ｔｈｅ ｃａｓｅ ｏｆ ｂｏｌｉｖｉａ.. Ｔｈｉｒｄ Ｗｏｒｌｄ Ｑｕａｒｔｅｒｌｙ, 28(7), Ｒｅｔｒｉｅｖｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｔｔｐ://ｗｅｂ.ｅｂｓｃｏｈｏｓｔ.ｃｏｍ.ｎａｖｉｇａｔｏｒ-ｃｕｐ.ｐａｓｓｈｅ.ｅｄｕ/ｅｈｏｓｔ/ｖｉｅｗａｒｔｉｃｌｅ?ｄａｔａ=ｄＧＪｙＭＰＰｐ44ｒｐ2%2ｆｄＶ0%2ｂｎｊｉｓｆｋ5Ｉｅ42ｂＶＬｔｑｅｗＵＬＷｋ63ｎｎ5Ｋｘ95ｕＸｘｊＬ6ｐｒＵｑｘｐｂＢＩｒ6ａｅＳａ%2ｂｗｓＵ64ｑ7Ｕ4ｚｓＯｋｊＰＤＸ7Ｉｖｆ2ｆＫＢ7ｅＴｎｆＬｕｊｓＶＣ2ｑｒＢＲｒｑ6ｗＰｕｒＸ7Ｈ%2ｂ72%2ｂｗ%2ｂ4ｔｉ7ｉ%2ｂｆｅｐＩｚｆ3ｂｔＺｚＪｚｆｈｒｕｏｔＥ%2ｂｕｒＬＪＮｒｐｚｋｈ%2ｆＤｊ34ｙ73ＰＯＥ6ｕｒｊｋＰＩＡ&ｈｉｄ=105 Ｓｐｉｃｋｅｒ, Ｐ. (2008). Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ: ｔｈｅ ｓｕｂｓｔａｎｔｉｖｅ ｅｌｅｍｅｎｔｓ ｏｆ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ. Ｉｎｔｅｒｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｊｏｕｒｎａｌ ｏｆ Ｓｏｃｉａｌ Ｗｅｌｆａｒｅ, 17(3), ｈｔｔｐ://ｗｅｂ.ｅｂｓｃｏｈｏｓｔ.ｃｏｍ.ｎａｖｉｇａｔｏｒ-ｃｕｐ.ｐａｓｓｈｅ.ｅｄｕ/ｅｈｏｓｔ/ｖｉｅｗａｒｔｉｃｌｅ?ｄａｔａ=ｄＧＪｙＭＰＰｐ44ｒｐ2%2ｆｄＶ0%2ｂｎｊｉｓｆｋ5Ｉｅ42ｂＶＬｔｑｅｗＵＬＷｋ63ｎｎ5Ｋｘ95ｕＸｘｊＬ6ｐｒＵｑｘｐｂＢＩｒ6ａｅＳａ%2ｂｗｓＵ64ｑ7Ｕ4ｚｓＯｋｊＰＤＸ7Ｉｖｆ2ｆＫＢ7ｅＴｎｆＬｕｊｓＶＣ2ｑｒＢＲｒｑ6ｗＰｕｒＸ7Ｈ%2ｂ72%2ｂｗ%2ｂ4ｔｉ7ｉ%2ｂｆｅｐＩｚｆ3ｂｔＺｚＪｚｆｈｒｕｐｓｋｍ2ｑｒＺＯｓＪｚｋｈ%2ｆＤｊ34ｙ73ＰＯＥ6ｕｒｊｋＰＩＡ&ｈｉｄ=105 |
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